In Tunisia, powerful heatwaves are driving power cuts and water shortage. While the country has been dealing with structural water scarcity and recurring drought for years, the current crisis is fueling anger against the government, even as authorities attempt to coordinate water distribution efforts to quell the crisis. 

Captain Roger Gabriel’s [of Niamey’s 1st Parachute Battalion] account of the attempted destabilisation of Niamey on 28 and 29 August has implicated alleged contacts and plans for intervention involving Chad, Benin, Côte d’Ivoire and France.

These statements, which implicate several foreign countries and actors, were not accompanied, in the testimony broadcast by RTN, by evidence allowing the reported events to be independently verified.

Following the broadcast of the televised interview, Chadian President Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno posted on his Facebook page verse 42 of Surah Al-Baqarah: “And do not mix the truth with falsehood or conceal the truth knowingly.” The Chadian head of state concluded his post with: “Allah the Almighty has spoken the truth.”

Although he did not directly mention Niger, Captain Gabriel or the allegations involving Chadian officials, the post came immediately after the Nigerien officer’s testimony and could be interpreted as an indirect response to the allegations.

Right now, Cameroon's Supreme Court is dealing with a legal fight between French billionaire Ariane de Rothschild and her former business partner, Pierre Guerrini over 1,640 square kilometers of public land.

To put that in perspective, that is bigger than London. The land was leased out so rich foreign tourists can pay 65,000 euros to shoot buffaloes and elephants for fun.

When the two partners had a fallout in late 2023, the local governor sent twenty armed state gendarmes to kick the partner out of the luxury camp. The regime essentially used national forces as personal security for a European banking dynasty.

Look at the double standard:

- Local and indigenous communities, like the Baka, have been pushed off their ancestral lands.

- If a local hunts a small animal to feed their family, they get treated like a criminal, beaten, or jailed.

- But if a wealthy foreigner pays a fortune to kill wild animals for entertainment, the state rolls out full protection.

Almost none of this money goes to regular Cameroonians. The safari profits go abroad, while the Rothschild firm works as a financial advisor to the Biya government on state debts.

Defenders always claim that trophy hunting funds conservation. In reality, it is a direct relic of the colonial concession system. African land is cordoned off, local people are criminalized on their own territory, and endangered fauna is commodified for the amusement of the global ultra-rich.

How does Cameroon, a so-called sovereign nation justify handing over 1,640 square kilometers of public land to foreign aristocrats to shoot wildlife for fun while its own citizens are shut out?

The division of the Maghreb into three broad regions, the Maghreb al-Adna, al-Awsat and al-Aqsa, has a much older geographical background than the Islamic period. These divisions were always somewhat more coastal-oriented, since the Mediterranean littoral contained the densest concentration of cities and political institutions, while the interior was considerably more fluid, with shifting tribal, pastoral and trans-Saharan networks connecting it to the coastal regions.

Before the Roman conquest, North Africa west of Egypt can already be broadly understood through three major political regions. In the west was Mauretania, the land of the Mauri, with Volubilis as an important western royal center. In the center was Numidia, which was initially divided between the Masaesylian kingdom of Syphax, centered at Siga, and the Massylian kingdom, centered at Cirta. In the east was Carthage and the territory of the Afri, which formed the core of what would become Roman Africa Proconsularis. These were not the later three Maghrebs as formal administrative units, but they already corresponded broadly to the same west, center and east geography.

The Roman conquest reorganized these regions into provinces, although the boundaries changed several times. Following the destruction of Carthage in 146 BC, its territory became the Roman province of Africa, later known as Africa Proconsularis, with Carthage as its principal center. Numidia remained a client kingdom until the death of Juba I in 46 BC, after which eastern Numidia was incorporated into the Roman province of Africa Nova and subsequently reorganized within Roman Africa. The western part of Numidia, meanwhile, became increasingly connected to Mauretania. This is where Iol becomes important: originally a Numidian center, it passed into the Mauretanian kingdom and eventually became the main center of the eastern part of Mauretania. Under Juba II, beginning in 25 BC, Iol was transformed into Caesarea, and following the annexation of Mauretania in 40 to 44 AD, Caesarea became the capital of Mauretania Caesariensis. To the west, Volubilis remained the principal regional center of the western Mauretanian territory, while Tingis became the formal capital of Mauretania Tingitana after the Roman annexation. Thus the Roman period gives us three major administrative regions across the Maghreb: Africa Proconsularis in the east, Mauretania Caesariensis in the center, and Mauretania Tingitana in the west, although the exact boundaries and internal divisions changed over time.

After the Islamic conquest in the 7th century, we again find the Maghreb being divided geographically into three regions: al-Maghrib al-Adna, al-Maghrib al-Awsat and al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The boundaries were not fixed and did not simply reproduce the Roman provinces, but the same broad geographical distinction remained. The Adna corresponded roughly to Ifriqiya and the eastern Maghreb, the Awsat to the central Maghreb, and the Aqsa to the western Maghreb. What is particularly interesting is that each of these regions developed its own succession of political centers, which allows us to follow the three regions independently even when they were incorporated into larger empires.

al-Maghrib al-Adna — Eastern Maghreb

The eastern Maghreb was dominated in antiquity by Carthage, which remained the major center of the region through the Carthaginian and Roman periods. During the Vandal kingdom from 439 to 534, Carthage remained the political center of the region and the capital of the Vandal kingdom. Following the Byzantine reconquest in 533 to 534, Carthage again became the center of Byzantine Africa and the seat of the Exarchate of Africa, established in the late 6th century. After the Arab conquest of Ifriqiya in the 7th century, the political center moved inland to Kairouan, founded in 670, which became the principal center of Ifriqiya under the Umayyads and Abbasids and then the capital of the Aghlabids from 800 to 909. The Fatimids established Mahdia as their capital in 921, while the Zirids, who governed Ifriqiya from 972, initially restored Kairouan as their main political center before the Hilalian invasions of the 11th century weakened the city and shifted political importance back toward the coast. Under the Almohads from 1160, Tunis became the main political center of Ifriqiya within the wider Almohad Empire, before becoming the capital of the Hafsid state from 1229. Tunis remained the center of the region under the Ottoman Regency of Tunis from 1574, the French Protectorate from 1881, and modern Tunisia from 1956. In this sense, the political center of the eastern Maghreb developed from the ancient dominance of Carthage, through Kairouan under the early Islamic dynasties, to Mahdia under the Fatimids and finally Tunis under the Almohads, Hafsids and the later Ottoman, French and Tunisian states.

al-Maghrib al-Awsat — Central Maghreb

The Central Maghreb has a more complicated history because its ancient political center shifted as the balance between the Numidian and Mauretanian kingdoms changed. The earliest major centers were Siga and Cirta, corresponding to the two Numidian kingdoms of the Masaesylians and Massylians. With the unification of Numidia under Massinissa in 203 BC, Cirta became the principal royal center. As Numidian territory expanded westward, Iol became an important western center alongside Cirta. When this western territory passed into Mauretanian hands during the 1st century BC, Iol became increasingly important and eventually became Caesarea, the capital of Mauretania Caesariensis (corresponding roughly to kingdom of the Masaesylians) from the Roman annexation in 40 to 44 AD. The remaining part which corresponded to the kingdom of Massylians would be organized as province of Numidia centered on Cirta (intially grouped under Africa). During the Vandal period from 439 to 534, the Vandals did not exercise the same degree of direct administrative control over Mauretania that they exercised in Africa Proconsularis. Nevertheless, Caesarea and Sitifis continued to function as important urban and regional centers within the surviving Romano-Mauritanian political landscape. After the Byzantine reconquest, both remained important centers within the reorganized western provinces, although Byzantine control became increasingly uneven toward the interior and farther west.

After the Islamic conquest, the political center had earlier moved through Tahert under the Rustamids from 761 to 909, Achir under the Fatimids and early Zirids from the 10th to early 11th century, Qalʿat Banī Ḥammād and Béjaïa under the Hammadids from 1014 to 1152.

Under the Almohads, Béjaïa and Tlemcen became important regional centers within the Central Maghreb at different stages of Almohad rule. After the rise of the Zayyanids in 1236, Tlemcen became the principal political center of the Central Maghreb.

Algiers became the principal political and military center of the Central Maghreb as the Regency of Algiers developed from 1516, and it continued as the capital of French Algeria from 1830 and independent Algeria from 1962.

al-Maghrib al-Aqsa — Western Maghreb

The western Maghreb developed around the Mauretanian kingdom and its western centers, with Volubilis remaining the principal center of the region through the ancient period. This remained the case even when the wider Mauretanian kingdom had more than one royal center. During the division of Mauretania between Bocchus II and Bogud from 49 BC, Iol served as the eastern royal center while Volubilis remained the western royal center under Bogud. The existence of two royal centers therefore did not make Iol the center of the western Maghreb; Volubilis continued to serve as the regional center of the west. When Mauretania was reunited around 38 BC and Juba II established Caesarea as his principal royal capital in 25 BC, Volubilis continued to function as an important royal and regional center in the west. Under Rome, Tingis became the formal provincial capital of Mauretania Tingitana following the annexation of the Mauretanian kingdom in 40 to 44 AD, while Volubilis remained the major inland center of the western region. During the Vandal period from 439 to 534, the western Maghreb was largely outside the effective administration of the Vandal kingdom, with local Mauro-Roman polities continuing to operate in the region. Following the Byzantine reconquest, the remaining Roman territories in the far west were reorganized under Mauretania Secunda, centered on Septem, although Volubilis continued to be an important western settlement. After the Islamic conquest, Volubilis, or Walīla, became an important center of the early Idrisid state in the late 8th century, before Fez emerged as its principal political center under the Idrisids. Under the Almoravids from 1062, and subsequently the Almohads from 1147, the imperial capital moved to Marrakech, which remained the principal political center of the western Maghreb during the Almohad period. The Marinids then returned the political center to Fez after 1269. Marrakech again became an important royal center under the Saadians from the 16th century, while the ʿAlawi sultans alternated between Fez and Marrakech from the 17th century before Rabat was established as the modern capital in 1912. Rabat then remained the administrative center under the French Protectorate and became the capital of modern Morocco following independence in 1956.

Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan

Libya is somewhat different because its three historical regions do not all belong to the same geographical tradition. Tripolitania, centered on Tripoli, was historically connected to the eastern Maghreb and the wider Ifriqiyan world. Cyrenaica, or Barqa, was more separate eastern Mediterranean region and was often politically connected to Egypt, particularly under the Ptolemies and in several later Islamic periods. Fezzan formed the Saharan interior between them. The three regions were first brought together under a single Ottoman administrative framework with the creation of the Eyalet of Tripoli in 1551, following the Ottoman conquest of Tripoli. The Ottoman province gradually encompassed Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan, providing the first sustained political framework that united the three traditional regions of what would become modern Libya. This distinction continued through the later Ottoman administration and the Italian period before the three regions were incorporated into the unified Kingdom of Libya in 1951 and subsequently the Libyan Republic. Libya therefore sits at the eastern edge of the Maghreb: Tripolitania belongs more naturally to the Maghrebi and Ifriqiyan sphere, while Cyrenaica has historically been much more closely connected to Egypt.

There is also an interesting difference in the names of the modern Maghrebi republics. Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco all derive their modern names from the names of their principal historic cities: Tunis, Algiers and Marrakech or Morocco, respectively, reflecting the importance of these cities as political centers. Libya is different, since its name derives from the ancient Libu people and is not derived from the name of its capital, Tripoli, though in the past it was generally known as Tripolitania.

Taken together, the history shows a recurring three-part geographical structure across the Maghreb, despite constantly changing political boundaries. In the Eastern Maghreb, the four longest-standing political centers were Carthage (c. 814 BC–698 AD, with interruptions), Kairouan (670–909), Mahdia (921–1160), and Tunis (1160–present, with interruptions). In the Central Maghreb, they were Cirta (c. 300–46 BC), Caesarea (25 BC–3rd century AD), Tlemcen (1236–1550), and Algiers (1516–present). In the Western Maghreb, they were Volubilis (c. 3rd century BC–late 8th century), Fez (789–1062, 1269–16th century), Marrakech (1062–1269, 16th–17th century and later royal periods), and Rabat (1912–present). The exact dates vary depending on whether we mean formal capital, royal residence or principal regional center, but the persistence of these three broad geographical axes is remarkable.

Reference

Abun-Nasr, Jamil M. North Africa: A History from Antiquity to the Present. 2nd ed. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0-292-76191-9; 978-0-292-76190-2.

Senegal and the International Monetary Fund have reached a staff-level agreement on a new $2.2 billion (€1.9 billion) lending programme, nearly two years after an earlier deal was suspended following the discovery of previously unreported public debt.

Senegal’s total public-sector debt was estimated at 132 percent of gross domestic product at the end of 2024, making it one of the most heavily indebted countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

There are, however, signs that the pressure is beginning to ease. The fiscal deficit fell from 13.4 percent of GDP in 2024 to 6.4 percent in 2025, largely as a result of tighter government spending, according to the IMF.

Asked whether the new programme involved restructuring, Vera Martin said it included “debt treatment”, adding that Senegal had developed its own plan.

[Finance Minister Cheikh Diba] stressed that the proposal was “not a restructuring in the traditional sense”, but an approach designed around Senegal’s specific circumstances.

I love how creative with hairstyles African societies are

Reference

Photographed by Gabriel Lerat

original post by African crowns

Musée du quai Branly - Jacques Chirac (2026) Collections - musée du quai Branly - Jacques Chirac.

Definitely a video I recommend to watch, it’s a brief analysis explaining the systems that be and is very insightful if you want to learn a little bit more about the architecture of debt And loans in Africa.

“Good government reduces the probability of hitting these traps, it does not eliminate the traps themselves.”

The low IQ rhetoric is an agenda pushed by racist eugenics scientists like Richard Lynn, a psychologist and Tatu Vanhanen a Finnish political scientist. These claims relied on non verbal reasoning tests like Ravens progressive matrices, vocabulary assessments and basic school achievement exams but the results were misleading because these tests do not measure fixed or innate intelligence but measured formal education and familiarity with specific testing formats, even when the tests did not use words. Importantly, when they carried out the analysis, they reviewed over 100 published studies and it was later found that the bigots used selective data and ignored data from africans with high tests scores, used tiny and unrepresentative samples like testing a few dozen people from a village somewhere and claiming that it was a representation of a whole nation. Not surprising. Some of the social issues that try to argue is that the low IQ predicts violence, wealth, economic development among other outcomes so one of his conclusions was that higher intelligence = more civilized/less violent societies. But if that argument is true, then european history creates an enormous problem because they are the same people who designed auschwitz, chemical weapons, strategic bombing campaigns, 2 world wars, wars of conquest and religious warfare within europe itself and so on. I mean how intelligent does a society have to be before it stops producing extraordinary sophisticated ways of killing people. When something sounds fishy, always look it up. The aim is and has always been to create a social ladder that keeps black people and especially Africans at the bottom of the ladder and dehumanize us so as to justify the crimes committed against us.

Ghanaian casket craftsmanship is well known the world over – custom-made coffins shaped like objects that depict the deceased’s profession, status, or aspirations. But they have a much longer history.

In southern Ghana, figurative palanquins called akpakai have long played an important role in Ga culture. These ceremonial carriers, used by chiefs and other traditional leaders, are carved in the shapes of animals, objects, or family symbols. Each design reflects the identity of a family or clan and carries spiritual meaning.

Traditionally, family members would be buried under the floors of their houses. This was so that the spirit of the deceased could find their way home.

During colonial rule, this and many other traditional practices were outlawed. Instead, authorities enforced Christian practices and families were forced to bury their deceased in cemeteries.

The distinctive figurative forms of the palanquins gained popularity as coffins in the 1950s, particularly after Ghana gained independence in 1957. Skilled craftsmen such as Ataa Owuo and Seth Kane Kwei helped to develop the tradition.

The object depicted might be a family totem, such as a lion, eagle or leopard. Or it may just be an elaborate design of something the deceased would have liked to be remembered for.

Today, some funerals are accompanied by dancers whom the family hire to entertain mourners. But some people disagree with this practice as they consider it inappropriate and too boisterous. The caskets can take 10 days to be handcrafted, adding to the logistical challenges of the funeral. Their craftsmanship has been recognised internationally and the coffins have featured in prominent exhibitions.

Photos: Regula Tschumi Archive/Heritage Images/Olympia de Maismont/AFP

l personally love it, l think it's chic and is a perfect geographic descriptor. Southern Africa doesn't work bc it leaves out the west and east. And i get that people may not like the sub part but it just means below. I love the name and l love being south of the Sahara. I don't know it's history or whether or not it was intended to be offensive but it's just a neutral term that we can reclaim.

After the genocide, Rwanda began to rebuild from the ruins by establishing the right institutions，Corruption and security issues are the least in all of Africa，However, Rwanda frequently attacks the Democratic Republic of Congo. I would like to ask my African friends, what are your thoughts on Rwanda?

C.A.R. Inaugurates 50 MW Solar Plant with 15MWh battery storage.

Niger requested assistance from Russia's Africa Corps after an attempted mutiny at a key military base in Niamey.

The uprising involved Nigerien soldiers trying to confine comrades and opening fire at strategic sites in the capital.

Nigerien forces regained control, and the incident highlighted the base's importance due to its uranium stockpile and location.

The mutiny highlights Niger's rapid shift toward Russia for security support since the 2023 coup and expulsion of Western forces.

Lately, I’ve been feeling like Côte d’Ivoire is really starting to take over the African music scene, especially in urban music.
Artists like Himra, Didi B, TRK, Dopelym, Team Paiya and many others are getting more and more attention, not only in Côte d’Ivoire but across Francophone Africa and beyond.
Nigeria and South Africa have traditionally been the biggest African music powerhouses internationally. But could Côte d’Ivoire now be becoming the third major force?
I’m curious to hear from people outside Côte d’Ivoire:
Do you feel like Ivorian music is currently taking over Africa? 🇨🇮🔥
Or am I just seeing it this way because I’m Ivorian? 😂
Which African country do you think currently has the strongest music scene?

I’m honestly sick of social media. There isn’t a single platform I can go on without seeing racists attacking Black people. I left twitter for good but seems all platforms are becoming racist

I’m a Black African who moved to the US a year and a couple of months ago, and honestly, I’m already exhausted by it. I’m about to graduate with a Master’s in Computer Science from an Ivy League university, and as a software engineer, I started thinking: what if we built a social media platform for Black people who just want to enjoy social media without constantly dealing with racism and harassment?

Personally, I use social media to chill and pass time—scrolling, watching people dance, GRWMs, sharing random updates, memes, and just enjoying fun content. Sometimes I don’t want to open a comment section expecting people to be supportive, only to find people mocking Black people, degrading us, or calling us slurs.

I want a space where we can actually celebrate each other. We should be able to celebrate our graduates, engineers, doctors, scientists, entrepreneurs, artists, and all the amazing things Black people are doing without someone immediately coming into the comments to tear us down.

The idea would be to create a space focused on having fun, connecting, celebrating, and sharing our lives. There would be strict community rules, an invitation-based joining system, and strong moderation. Racist posts and comments wouldn’t be tolerated, and people who post racist content would be banned—including Black people who are racist toward other Black people. The goal isn’t to create a space for hate; it’s to create a space where racism and harassment aren’t welcome.

It could still have everything you’d normally find on social media—people sharing updates, posting videos, dancing, GRWMs, memes, celebrating achievements, etc. Black-owned businesses could also have a space to promote their products and services.

Basically, take the existing social media business model and build it around a community where Black people can actually relax, have fun, support each other, and celebrate each other without constantly dealing with racism.

If you’re someone who uses social media mostly for fun and you’d love a space like this, let me know. I’m genuinely curious whether other people feel the same way.

And if you’re a software engineer, designer, product person, or anyone who thinks they could help me build this, please feel free to comment or DM me. I’m seriously considering turning this into something real.

People can still use TikTok and other platforms, especially for things like brand deals. This new app would simply exist for those moments when you want to have fun, chill, and interact with other Black people without constantly receiving hate. There also wouldn’t be hate directed at other races on the platform. we’d have strict rules against racism and harassment in any direction. And maybe later on, we could have brand deals and other opportunities on our app too.

NB: Please don’t tell me this idea is racist. I honestly don’t care about that argument. If you’re not Black, you don’t know what it feels like to open the comments expecting people to be supportive, only to find people mocking you, degrading you, or calling you racial slurs. It gets exhausting. Sometimes you just want a space where you can exist, have fun, celebrate your people, and enjoy yourself without having to deal with that.

English is not my first language, so I run my posts through ChatGPT for grammar corrections because I wanted this to be very clear, but the wording and ideas are mine :)